In Rio de Janeiro, just four years ago, virtually every nation in Latin America united in opposition to Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. The sentiment was strong and clear as regional leaders sought to distance themselves from his controversial regime.

Following his declaration of victory in a 2018 election widely regarded as fraudulent, most countries in the region, supported by Washington, called for his ousting. They rallied together, demanding a change in leadership and questioning the legitimacy of his government.

The authoritarian leader, whose regime has suppressed dissent and persecuted political opponents, appeared poised to flee into exile. Opposition figure Juan Guaidó, recognized by the United States and over 50 other nations as Venezuela’s legitimate leader, was ready to assume the presidency and lead the country towards democratic restoration.

However, against all odds, Maduro remained in power. The coalition of opposition parties rallying behind Guaidó ultimately collapsed. Now, the socialist leader is celebrating a remarkable return to international diplomacy. In recent months, he has met with French President Emmanuel Macron, shaken hands with U.S. climate envoy John F. Kerry, and rekindled relationships with many South American nations that had previously ridiculed him.

On Monday, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the leader of Latin America’s largest nation, not only extended an invitation to Maduro for a regional summit in Brasília but also sided with him against Washington. Lula dismissed allegations of human and civil rights abuses against Maduro, labeling them as a political “narrative,” and condemned U.S. sanctions on his government as “worse than war.”

This meeting highlighted the United States‘ failure to remove Maduro and marked a significant political shift in Latin America. Many of the traditional leaders who had once called for Maduro’s ousting are now out of power themselves, defeated by leftist leaders who, varying in their degrees of enthusiasm, have either accepted Maduro or at least acknowledged that he is not going anywhere anytime soon.

The West had hoped Lula would be a reliable partner. However, he has his own agenda to pursue.

“This represents the formal acknowledgment and acceptance of the authoritarian regime of Nicolás Maduro in the region,” stated Daniel Zovatto, Latin America director of the International Institute of Democracy and Electoral Assistance. His remarks underscore the significant implications of this political shift.

In Brazil, many anticipated Lula to restore ties with Maduro’s regime. The two nations share an extensive border of nearly 1,400 miles, the Amazon rainforest, and a rich history of trade, migration, and cultural exchange. Lula had a close relationship with Hugo Chávez, the architect of Venezuela’s socialist state and Maduro’s predecessor. Other neighboring countries, including Colombia, Argentina, Chile, and Bolivia, have already strengthened their connections with Caracas.

However, the enthusiasm with which Lula embraced a leader accused of the same authoritarian tactics that he vowed to combat in Brazil surprised critics and many of his allies.

“This is a whitewashing of the regime,” remarked Venezuelan political analyst Gilberto Carrasquero, highlighting the ongoing concerns about Maduro’s governance.

Lula’s governmental office has refrained from commenting pending public statements he plans to make Tuesday night.

During his 2015 campaign for a return to the presidency, Lula framed his candidacy as a restoration of Brazilian democracy. He warned that the reelection of former president Jair Bolsonaro, who lamented the collapse of Brazil’s military dictatorship, would plunge the nation back into authoritarian rule. Yet in power, and as a leader of the international left, he has defined freedom and authoritarianism somewhat more flexibly.

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In Lula’s worldview, Taiwan is a part of China, Ukraine shares blame for the Russian invasion, and now Maduro, who is under indictment in the United States for alleged narcoterrorism, has been unfairly vilified.

“The United Nations has accused Maduro of crimes against humanity, but in Brazil he is received as Lula’s esteemed partner with all of the pomp and honor,” tweeted Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro, the former president’s son. “By greeting Maduro, Lula has signaled to the entire world: BRAZIL SUPPORTS THE VENEZUELAN DICTATORSHIP!”

Even some of Lula’s advisors were taken aback by what he enthusiastically termed a “historic moment.” Some within the presidential palace were left questioning whether Lula’s past relationship with Chávez had clouded his judgment regarding his protégé and successor.

“When Lula left power in 2011, it was Chávez’s government, a populist with authoritarian overtones but still somewhat hybrid,” noted a government advisor who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “However, the Maduro government is a dictatorship, no doubts. … Lula did not mention this once.”

Lula, now in his third term, has never felt more at ease on the global stage. He stands as one of the most recognizable and popular figures on the international left. However, this standing, advisors warn, and his confidence in his own instincts, have led him to commit more gaffes than at any other time in his career.

“He’s making remarks off the cuff, speaking from a place of security, which then require others to go in and clean up what he said afterward,” explained a senior official at Brazil’s Foreign Ministry, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “That’s what happened yesterday.”

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Not all leaders in Latin America shared Lula’s perspective on Venezuela and Maduro.

“I was surprised when it was said that what happens in Venezuela is a narrative,” stated Uruguayan President Luis Lacalle Pou, one of the region’s last remaining traditional leaders. “The worst thing we can do is put our heads in the sand. Let’s give name to what’s happening and help.”

Lula, who campaigned on a promise of grilled steaks and cold beer for the working class, is facing increasing criticism for focusing too much on geopolitics and not enough on kitchen table politics. In his six months in office, according to the Brazilian newspaper O Globo, Lula has met with global leaders 30 times but legislative allies only 9 times. Meanwhile, critical initiatives — on the environment, on economic reform — have languished.

To date, it remains unclear what benefits, if any, his assertive statements on the international stage have brought to Brazil.

“The comments yesterday complicate Brazil’s attempt to project itself as a bridge builder,” said political scientist Oliver Stuenkel of the Getulio Vargas Foundation. “They were profoundly damaging to Brazil’s regional reputation and the way it’s being perceived in the West.”